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Chapter 0. Contents of this
book
B. Detailed Content of Political
Phenomenology
Then, what is the more detailed content
of political phenome- nology?
Political actors in politics interact
with each other according to the attributes of the
capacities they possess, and reinforce the power structure
(cooperative relationship) for their own interests
and the common good. Changes in the power structure
are influenced by internal and external factors and
change over time according to the demands of political
actors. Its contents can be described in detail as
three laws that can be briefly described as follows.
The 1st law explains the relationship
between the capacity of each political actor and their
power phenomenon. That is, how the capacities of each
political actor can be generally understood, and how
their power operates in accordance with those capacities,
is explained by the 1st law.
The 2nd law explains the relationship
between the relationships between political actors
and the power phenomenon. Here, the relationships
between political actors are affected by the situations
or conditions they are in. That is, the 2nd law explains
the part "the change in the power structure is
affected by internal and external factors."
The 3rd law explains the temporal change of the power
phenomenon. That is, the 3rd law explains the part
"the power phenomenon changes temporally according
to the demands of political actors."
Survival Process Theory
The starting point of the whole discussion
is the "general Principle" of Survival Process
Theory. Its content is that political phenomena are
one aspect of human survival struggles. The key lies
in the word "survival". And the meaning
of this "survival" is a concept that retains
the competitive and primitive connotations that we
associate with the word in everyday language.
In my view, this survival process
theory must inevitably be a general principle of political
phenomena. The fact that survival process theory is
a general principle of political phenomenon can be
explained by evolutionary logic. If humans cannot
survive, political phenomena will also disappear.
Furthermore, if people in the category A do not pay
attention to expanding or preserving their survival
ability in political phenomena, while people in the
category B are more concerned with expanding their
survival ability, over time the political phenomena
formed by the category A will become more generalized.
This corresponds to "1" in the 3.1 law system.
The Three Laws of Naturality
Therefore, the survival process theory
becomes a dividing line between political and natural
phenomena. In other words, the survival process theory
is not only a dividing line for political phenomena
but also for all human phenomena that are distinguished
from natural phenomena. Human phenomena are above
the survival process theory, and natural phenomena
are below. Human phenomena include different laws
than those that govern natural phenomena, according
to the theory of survival process. But human phenomena
are subject to all natural laws as well. Of these
laws, I will apply the "Law of Inertia",
the "Law of Force", and the "Law of
Repulsion" to explain human phenomena. This is
equivalent to applying Newton's 3 laws to social phenomena.
The "Law of Inertia" means
that if there is a human activity or social phenomenon,
it has the property of continuing to be maintained
in the same way. The "Law of Force" is the
principle that strong force overcomes weak force.
The "Law of Repellence" is the principle
that all human activity elicits resistance from others.
On the other hand, in the 3.1 law system, the three
laws represented by the number '3' are the 'Samjae
Principles of Power', the 'Principle of Organizational
Maintenance Equilibrium', and the 'Law of Political
Change'.
The 1st law
Let me start with the 1st law, the
Samjae Principles of Power. The content of the 1st
law is the elements and interaction structure of political
capacities. This principle states that the political
forces that influence political phenomena are three
capacities: military, economic, and ideological. I
will refer to these as the "Samjae Capacities."
Political phenomena are shaped by the choices of individuals
and, on a larger scale, by political groups such as
the state. All political actors use one or more of
the Samjae Capacities to act upon other political
actors and are also influenced by one or more of these
capacities. The sum of the Samjae Capacities that
a political actor perceives and incorporates into
their choices creates a political condition, and the
total of the Samjae Capacities exerted by one actor
upon others constitutes political activity.
The elements of Samjae Capacities
have different temporal and spatial effects. Armed
capacity has the strongest and most direct influence
in the shortest period of time in the narrowest region.
On the other hand, ideological capacity exerts the
most comprehensive and long-term influence in the
widest region. Economic capacity has the intermediate
features between military and ideological capacities.
Also, the order in which each element of Samjae Capacities
effectively exerts its influence is also important.
Generally, after the balance of power or survival
conditions due to Armed capacity is established, the
balance or survival conditions due to economic capacity
become possible, and only then does ideological capacity
exert its influence.
The 2nd law
The 2nd law, the Organizational Maintenance
Equilibrium Law, states that the cohesion of a political
organization increases proportional to the threat
to its survival from the outside and decreases proportional
to its armament level and the diversity of ideological
values. The resistance of the organization to external
threats is proportional to the cohesion among its
members. The threat to survival from the outside of
a political organization refers to the threat of theft
to life, property, and other values. The resistance
of the organization refers to the ability to neutralize
the theft threat from the outside. cohesion refers
to the degree of cooperation among the members of
the organization. So, if the nation's stability is
threatened by external intrusion, the citizens and
internal political actors will concentrate first on
defense against the external intrusion by working
together more than before.
This simple 2nd law applies not only
to one organization, but also to an organization A
and its internal organization B. If there are some
organizations within B, the 2nd law applies to those
organizations as well. As a result, the application
of the 2nd law to complexly structured organizations
both internally and externally can result in complex
phenomena. Therefore, when a national crisis occurs
and the nation is in danger, it becomes difficult
for individuals within the divided political forces
of the East and West to simply choose to overcome
the national crisis. They must also consider the risk
of being taken advantage of by opposing forces once
the nation has overcome the crisis.
The 3rd law
The 3rd law, the Law of Political
Change, states that "political change occurs
depending on the relative size of the forces trying
to change the political system and those trying to
maintain it." The forces seeking to change the
political system arise from human civilization and
society and fundamentally from humans themselves,
as they change. This is inevitable. However, in situations
where everything is changing, human survival is not
easy, which is why power systems (political systems)
are formed to suppress this change. Therefore, the
forces seeking to change the political system and
those trying to maintain it can also be understood
as the confrontation of two survival needs that come
from within humans themselves. From this perspective,
political changes such as revolutions, coups, wars,
etc. are not unusual examples of political phenomena,
but are originally universal and fundamental phenomena.
The primary conclusion of the 3rd
law is that the greater the length of time that a
political framework is maintained, the more significant
the subsequent political change. A political framework
refers to the system of governance, the political
order, etc. For example, if scientific and technological
advancement causes a shift in people's consciousness
and an increase in popular demands for democratization,
but a monarchy or dictatorship represses these demands
and remains in place for a long time, the eventual
political change will not be a simple reform but rather
a major political change such as revolution or national
division. In order to avoid such political change,
political demands arising from social changes must
be reasonably accommodated and the political order
must be reorganized at an appropriate stage.
It is very important and necessary
that I explain all the political phenomena of the
east and west in a consistent manner as I assert with
3.1 laws and systems. This is because it makes political
science, which was not at all scientific until now,
into a science. This is because it transforms political
science, which was not scientific at all until now,
into a science. In current political science, the
way political scientists explain political phenomena
varies in each area of the discipline. For instance,
in political process theory, Easton's model can be
utilized, but this model is unable to explain international
political phenomena at all. The same is true in the
case of political change theory. If there are principles
or laws used in political elitism, they will likely
be almost irrelevant in explaining the phenomena of
laws and systems.
In political science, it is taken
for granted that the concepts, systems, and laws used
to explain political phenomena in one area are not
applicable in adjacent areas. However, this is highly
inconsistent with the principles of general science.
There may be plausible excuses from political scientists,
but it seems unnecessary to immediately counter them
here. Despite this, I believe that the most effective
way to counter such excuses is to explain the entire
realm of political phenomena in a simple and consistent
manner with a set of laws and systems. Nevertheless,
in Chapter 5 of this book, you will see some important
attempts at direct counterarguments.
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